Darline Graham Nordone, Lindsey Graham’s younger sister and close confidant, will serve the remainder of the late senator’s term in Washington.

“It's my honor to ask his little sister Darline Graham to finish his work for him now,” South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster said Monday, formally appointing Nordone after recounting stories of Graham’s legacy.

President Donald Trump and Senate Majority Leader John Thune both publicly expressed support for McMaster choosing Nordone as a tribute to Graham.

Her appointment as an interim caretaker triggers a wide-open race ahead of the Aug. 11 primary. Several Republicans are already weighing bids to take over Graham’s place as the GOP Senate nominee.

“It is such a privilege to get to finish some of his important work, and I promise to work hard over the next several months to support the president and carry forward the efforts of my brother on behalf of the citizens of South Carolina and the United States,” Nordone said at the press conference alongside McMaster. She added that the decision is one that “Lindsey would have wanted.”

Graham helped raise Nordone after their parents passed away early in her childhood. The siblings had shared a close relationship since, and she appeared alongside the late senator on the campaign trail on several occasions — including at his presidential campaign launch in the summer of 2015.

Nordone’s appointment came together quickly over the last 36 hours, according to McMaster’s top political adviser and former chief of staff Trey Walker.

McMaster was notified of Graham’s death around 11 p.m. Saturday, hours before the late senator’s office publicly shared the news, Walker told POLITICO.

The first thing the governor did on Sunday morning was call Nordone to express his condolences. Then, as the day progressed and he fielded calls about next steps, he rang her again around 10 a.m. with a question: Would she like to serve out the remainder of her brother’s term in Washington?

Nordone and McMaster know each other well. Nordone helms the state’s Commission for the Blind, is “very familiar at the state house” and interfaces “a lot” with the governor’s office, Walker said.

With Nordone’s buy-in, the next call the governor placed was to the White House.

“How fitting a tribute to Lindsey would it be ... to appoint Darline, his sister, to finish Lindsey's work this time and to put that beautiful bookend on the story of his service?” Walker said, describing how McMaster laid out his thinking to Trump. The president, whose blessing is key in deeply conservative South Carolina, was “very receptive” to the idea, Walker noted.

Trump then made that approval clear on Truth Social on Monday morning when he said her appointment would be a “fabulous tribute” to the late senator.

The White House and McMaster’s office did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

South Carolina Republicans expect Nordone to only serve as a caretaker to finish Graham’s term, though Nordone hasn’t signaled herself whether she will or will not mount her own bid to serve a full six-year term in Washington.

The jockeying for the Aug. 11 primary has already begun in the deep-red state where an open Senate seat is a rare opportunity for up-and-coming politicians to come across.

Republicans both in South Carolina and Washington point to Rep. Russell Fry (R-S.C.) as a possible top contender, as someone who has deep ties to Columbia and to Trump’s White House. Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette, who unsuccessfully ran for governor earlier this year, is also seen as a top contender because of her high name recognition and her ability to reengage her statewide campaign infrastructure.

Others, like Mace and Norman have more clearly signaled their intent to mount their own bids for Graham’s seat, but no candidates have officially announced a formalized run.

Trump, who could have an outsized role in boosting Graham’s elected successor, has yet to make any public statements about his preferences for a candidate to fill the full term.

President Donald Trump said Monday he wants South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster to appoint Lindsey Graham’s sister, Darline Graham Nordone, to serve the remainder of the late senator’s term.

“I recommended, to Governor Henry McMaster, Lindsey Graham’s wonderful sister, Darline, to serve as interim Senator from the Great State of South Carolina,” Trump said in a post on social media. “This would be a fabulous tribute to Lindsey, who loved her dearly!”

McMaster is expected to announce his decision about who will replace Graham during a press conference later Monday afternoon.

Even if she’s appointed, it’s unclear if Nordone would want to run for the full term. A number of South Carolina Republicans have already expressed interest in taking over Graham’s seat since his death Sunday, including Reps. Nancy Mace and Ralph Norman (R-S.C.).

Trump’s word carries significant weight in deeply conservative South Carolina, and his preference for a caretaker appointment triggers a wide-open primary to take Graham’s place as the Republican nominee for Senate.

State law stipulates that Republicans will have to run in a snap primary election on Aug. 11 –– but the significantly truncated runway ahead of the election benefits candidates who have recently run statewide campaigns, including Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette and Norman who both ran unsuccessfully for governor this cycle.

Benny Melendez voted for President Donald Trump in 2024. But since Trump returned to the White House, it has been increasingly difficult for Melendez to run his small construction company in south Texas. He says immigration officers have detained workers at his job sites and while driving his company trucks. Since the beginning of 2025, more than 10 of those workers have been deported.

The chaos of the past year-and-a-half has convinced Melendez to abandon his support for Trump and Republicans, and instead back the Democrat in this year’s U.S. Senate election, state Rep. James Talarico.

“How can we continue voting for someone that is targeting our community?” Melendez said. “There's no way possible we're going to support that. No way.”

Melendez is not alone. One in five Hispanic business owners in Texas say they’ve had an employee deported in the past year, according to a new survey commissioned by the U.S. Hispanic Business Council and shared first with POLITICO. Seven in ten said their businesses had been impacted by Trump’s tariffs. Among those surveyed, Talarico holds a seven-point lead over Attorney General Ken Paxton, the GOP nominee, even though a plurality of the over 1,000 respondents self-identify as Republican. Almost one quarter who supported Sen. John Cornyn in the Republican primary now say they’ll back Talarico, while over half say they’ll back Paxton.

The survey is the clearest sign yet of Paxton’s vulnerability among Texas’ robust Hispanic business community amidst broader signs that Hispanic voters around the country are swinging hard against him, thanks to the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown and the shaky economy. The survey was conducted from June 2 to 15 and included 1,012 Texas-based USHBC members. Respondents included business owners in construction, food services, retail, manufacturing and other industries.

Those business owners pointed to the fear the deportation push created in the community, as well as their bottom lines, for why they were turning on Trump and toward Talarico.

“The fear factor that it creates, the disruption that it creates, the environment that it creates, is debilitating,” said Javier Palomarez, president and CEO of USHBC. “If you’ve got a small business of 10 people or so, and you get even one person deported, you can imagine what that does to the morale of that business unit and to the fear of the business owner.”

Meanwhile, Paxton, long an immigration hardliner, has doubled down, touting his support for a controversial Texas immigration law and suing to stop publicly funded legal defense for undocumented immigrants.

The Texas Senate race will be one of the nation’s most watched — and most expensive — this cycle. Early polling shows it in a dead heat: A New York Times/Siena poll released last month showed Paxton and Talarico tied. Among Hispanic voters, Talarico led by 32 points. In 2024, Trump won Texas Latinos by 10 points.

In a statement, Paxton spokesperson Madison Cercy said Hispanic voters want “lower taxes, less regulation, affordable energy, and a strong economy.”

“Ken Paxton has a proven record of fighting for those priorities, while James Talarico has consistently opposed the tax-cutting policies that help Texans thrive, declares that ‘God is non-binary,’ and said that there are ‘six biological sexes,’” Cercy said. “Texans deserve to hear the truth about Talarico’s radical record and the damage his agenda would do to families and businesses across our state. Once they do, it will kill Talacreepo’s campaign for their vote.”

In a statement, Talarico offered an olive branch to Hispanic voters: “We should be supporting Hispanic small businesses — not crushing them under the weight of high costs and failed immigration policies,” he said. “Here’s my message to Hispanic communities across Texas: if you feel like you’ve been conned, if you feel like you’ve been let down by both political parties, if you feel like politicians aren’t doing anything to lower your costs or fix this broken immigration system — you’ve got a place in this campaign.”

Across south Texas, business owners say immigration enforcement is a major reason why they’re turning on the GOP. In 2024, Trump rode concerns over former President Joe Biden’s border policy to victory in the heavily Latino communities along the U.S.-Mexico border, a massive shift in the historically deep-blue region. Trump won 14 of those 18 border counties, including Starr County, a 90-percent Latino county that Hillary Clinton won with 79 percent of the vote in 2016 and hadn’t gone for a Republican since the 1890s.

But now, many feel the Trump administration’s interior enforcement policy has gone too far. 70 percent of those surveyed in the USHBC poll had a negative view of the immigration raids on the workforce, and that impact on families and businesses risks kneebuckling Republicans running in those same border districts.

“I didn’t like what Biden was doing here on the border,” Melendez said. “But now with Trump, it's all the opposite, 180 degree change. He doesn't let us work. He's taking the best we have.”

Earlier this year, construction executives in south Texas sounded the alarm on immigration enforcement. Some trade association leaders met with officials in the White House and Congress to discuss concerns in February.

Immigration enforcement at worksites subsided for several months, executives said. But activity ticked up again last month. Now, Melendez says, immigration officers are again rounding up workers at construction sites and pulling over vehicles that have work equipment like ladders. The Department of Homeland Security didn’t immediately respond to request for comment on this characterization of enforcement.

“It just seems now more than ever, if you're brown, they're gonna stop you,” said Mario Guerrero, a three-time Trump voter who leads the South Texas Builders Association. “And I know that sounds really racist, but it's what we're facing, man.”

Across the state, story after story of the immigration crackdown consume local media: An undocumented man in Houston shot and killed by an ICE officer; a mariachi musician in San Antonio detained after playing at a birthday party; a Catholic nun in McAllen detained while walking to Sunday Mass.

Even some Republican officials have denounced the activity. “As I have repeatedly said, our immigration enforcement should target violent criminals,” GOP Rep. Monica de la Cruz, who represents a battleground district in the Rio Grande Valley, wrote on Facebook. “A Catholic nun on her way to church is not a threat to our community.”

One construction company owner in south Texas, granted anonymity to speak openly, said the nun’s arrest — which was plastered all over local news last month — was “the final nail in the coffin” for many Hispanics in the community who had voted for Republicans.

“We're pissed off at the current administration. Everybody's pissed off down here in south Texas,” the construction executive said, noting that most Hispanics in the area are Catholic. “Remember, we're conservative, we're not far left. We're in the middle, conservative Latinos in south Texas. It doesn't make sense.”

Guerrero, who leads a trade group with over 160 members across south Texas, said the idea that deportations will create jobs for American workers is ill-informed. “When people say, ‘Why don't you hire American citizens to do foundation or to do concrete?’ I'm like, ‘Dude, tell me what f—ing United States citizen is gonna want to go and pour concrete at 103 degrees down here in the valley,’” Guerrero said.

Palomarez echoed that sentiment.

“This notion that these immigrants are taking American jobs is bullshit,” said Palomarez. “The districts in South Texas that swung decidedly Republican are paying the price, because that fear-mongering has come home to roost. And now you don't have employees, or enough employees, to get that project done.”

North Carolina Republicans have a message for Washington: The cavalry needs to come.

Their Senate nominee, former Republican National Committee chair Michael Whatley, is lagging far behind Roy Cooper, the prized Democratic recruit and popular former governor, in polls and cash.

Republicans believe Whatley still has time to turn around those steep deficits — but only if the national GOP opens its deep pockets sooner than later, according to interviews with nearly a dozen North Carolina Republicans and national strategists.

A massive infusion of cash ahead of the typical late summer and early fall spending spree, they say, would combat Whatley’s biggest problem: a lack of name ID.

In a typical midterm year, the state’s Senate race would be a marquee battle. But the Cooper-Whatley matchup has been drowned out by other more high-profile contests in Texas, Maine and Michigan, leaving some in North Carolina anxious for more money and ways to push the national party publicly further into the fight.

“He has an uphill climb,” said Tuesday Sauer, chair of the Bertie County GOP. “Even though he was the RNC chair, a lot of people who aren't politically involved really don't know who Michael Whatley is.”

So far the race has been sleepy, focused on bread-and-butter affordability issues that are defining contests across the country. But the low-key nature of the race is hiding just how critical North Carolina is in November. The state, which President Donald Trump carried three times, is a must-win for Democrats frothing at the possibility of flipping the Senate. And in Cooper, Democrats have found a strong candidate to give them a chance at their first Senate win in the state since 2008, thanks to his status as a household name from a political career spanning four decades.

Some Republicans think Whatley, a former state party chair and close Trump ally who is a first-time candidate in his own right, is running a generic campaign that won’t cut it given his blue-chip opponent and the tough national environment.

“Michael Whatley has to give them a reason to talk about North Carolina, and so far he hasn't. That's the challenge,” said one GOP state official, granted anonymity to speak freely about the race. “There's a lot of other races right now that give solid headlines, and right now the headline in North Carolina is: ‘Republican Party plays possum.’”

Cooper raised $13.8 million to Whatley’s $5 million in the first quarter of the year, and the Democrat entered the second quarter with $18.5 million in cash on hand, while Whatley reported having more than $2.5 million in the bank. Some public polling shows Cooper with as much as a 14-point lead over Whatley.

“The strategy is simple. Remind North Carolinians that Roy Cooper is a pro-crime, pro-tax, career politician whose failed leadership made life less safe and less affordable,” Whatley campaign spokesperson DJ Griffin said in a statement. “The campaign is humming, our partners are aligned across the board, and every day from now until Election Day is about one thing: sending Roy Cooper into retirement.”

Republicans plan to continue hammering Cooper on two major issues: crime and pandemic restrictions. While serving as North Carolina’s top executive during the height of the pandemic, as the virus ripped through prisons, Cooper reached a settlement with civil rights groups to release about 3,500 inmates to reduce overcrowding and health risks. A number of those inmates went on to commit new crimes — and Republicans blame Cooper for being responsible.

Cooper’s team argues that Whatley holds blame for pushing for the prisoners to be released during the pandemic.

“Whatley and his allies have been caught lying time and again, but the truth is Roy Cooper spent his career locking up criminals while Whatley pushed for prisoners to be released during Covid,” said Cooper campaign spokesperson Kate Smart, in a statement.

The race will reveal how fresh those Covid-19 memories are in the minds of voters. Republicans remain angry at Cooper for his pandemic restrictions, like shutting down churches and restricting access to visitors of patients in hospitals.

“At the first chance during Covid, Roy Cooper shut down all the churches, that’s major, while he let the bars remain open,” said state GOP Sen. Steve Jarvis. “It's been a while, so I think that's being missed right now. We need to get that back in the news.”

While antsy for the cash to arrive, many Republicans are optimistic that Whatley’s relationships within the party will come in handy.

The GOP-aligned Senate Leadership Fund has committed $71 million to the race and so far has reserved more than $36 million in broadcast ads starting in early September, according to tracking service AdImpact. North Carolina, which contains several major media markets, is one of the more expensive states to run ads.

“If Dems think they have a layup in the only swing state that President Trump is 3-0, they’re out of their minds,” said a national Republican strategist working on the race, granted anonymity to speak candidly about the landscape.

Other PACs, like Old North Action have also reserved a large chunk of ad space this fall. Americans For Prosperity has already doled out more than $8 million this spring, the bulk of which was spent on digital and streaming ads for Whatley. North Carolina Republicans are also optimistic that Whatley will be a major beneficiary of the recent Supreme Court decision allowing political parties to freely coordinate with candidates and spend without constraint, given his stint as RNC chair. Republicans have a massive cash edge over Democrats: The RNC has more than $125 million in the bank, while the DNC has more debt than cash on hand, $18.3 million to $14.8 million.

“The fall of coordinated spending limits means the NRSC can discuss spending decisions directly with our candidates and their campaigns,” said Joanna Rodriguez, communications director at the National Republican Senatorial Committee. “The era of raising the curtain on strategy and press and the Democrats we’re looking to defeat is over.”

“President Trump and Republicans are united behind Michael Whatley, who will be North Carolina's champion in the US Senate,” said RNC spokesperson Emma Hall, in a statement.

Cooper has his own national money in the pipeline, but so far it doesn’t match the Republican side. WinSenate PAC, affiliated with Schumer-backed Senate Majority PAC, has promised more than $27 million in fall reservations for him.

“The reality of all of it is that between Republican super PACs and the RNC, they just have way more money,” said Morgan Jackson, a longtime North Carolina Democratic strategist and a Cooper adviser. “There's no white horse coming, the way that Republicans are waiting on their savior to come.”

Still, Republicans’ biggest asset — Trump’s PAC MAGA Inc. — remains tightlipped about its own plans to distribute its massive $350 million warchest.

“That money needs to be brought to North Carolina, so the people of North Carolina can be reminded of what a crappy Governor Roy Cooper was,” said GOP state Sen. Amy Galey.

“Getting his name, face recognition in 100 counties is tough, especially in North Carolina, with just plain geographics of going from Manteo to Murphy,” said GOP state Rep. Donnie Loftis, of Whatley. “It comes down to funding. That money drives your message, and if you don't have the money, you can't get your message out there.”

North Carolina Democrats have their own concerns about lagging investments from the national party. Some fear that Cooper’s strong current standing in the race at this juncture will cause party leaders to overlook the state in favor of other shiny objects — like Texas, where Democrat James Talarico appears competitive with Republican Ken Paxton.

“I believe in the Coach K theory,” said Democratic House Minority Leader Robert Rieves, referring to former Duke basketball coaching legend Mike Krzyzewski. “It doesn’t matter how far you are ahead, you keep playing just as hard as you did the first minute.”

Erin Doherty contributed reporting.

Ahead of this year’s World Cup, Democrats had warned that immigration enforcement agents at matches were likely to cross the line with fans or players and create international incidents in the process. So far, those fears haven’t borne out.

As the tournament moves into its final week, the Immigration and Customs Enforcement division of the Homeland Security Department has stayed away from crowd control. Instead it has focused on joint efforts with law enforcement partners to combat counterfeiting and human trafficking around the tournament, which has seen large numbers of foreign attendees flock to the United States, Mexico and Canada in support of their teams.

Even Democrats are noticing the restraint which ICE has exercised around the matches.

“I have not seen, or have not heard of, any significant, serious report, which is really very good. I am happy to hear that,” said Rep. Nellie Pou, a Democratic member of the House Homeland Security Committee whose New Jersey district includes the area around Metlife Stadium that will host the tournament’s final match.

Pou, who had raised concerns about ICE at the sporting event in congressional hearings in the months before the game, attributed the low-profile approach ICE has taken to security at the matches to congressional oversight and “a change in the administration between Secretary Noem, who absolutely didn’t care about what was going on, and Secretary Mullin.”

DHS Secretary Markwayne Mullin has taken a more tempered and discreet approach to the agency’s enforcement operations than his predecessor Kristi Noem — mending some of the frayed relations she had with Capitol Hill. DHS has also played a major role at the World Cup in less controversial areas. Customs and Border Protection, the Federal Protective Service and the Coast Guard have helped down unmanned aerial vehicles such as drones operating near sporting arenas.

Rep. Michael McCaul, a Texas Republican who has chaired House Homeland Security Committee and advocated using sporting events as a diplomatic opportunity to showcase American power, was similarly pleased. While McCaul never joined Democrats in expressing fears about ICE’s conduct at games, he had repeatedly pressed DHS officials on the department’s plans for securing the World Cup.

Their role at the game “is not to deport a bunch of people,” McCaul said, crediting Mullin for the restraint. “Their role is to combat human trafficking. So far, they’ve been staying in that lane, and I think that’s a positive thing.”

Mainly, ICE has deployed agents that are part of the enforcement agency’s Homeland Security Investigations arm. That arm, unlike its deportation-focused counterpart Enforcement and Removal Operations, focuses on investigating serious criminal activity including trafficking, counterfeiting and child sexual abuse material.

“DHS will continue to work around the clock with federal, state and local partners to ensure a secure environment for the remainder of the 2026 FIFA World Cup,” the department said in a statement.

Mullin touted his department’s work on the World Cup in testimony to Congress last month, saying that “we’ve had no serious major incident,” and praising the department’s anti-human trafficking and counterfeiting work.

“Now, there’s a lot of fans that go around. Things happen. But there’s been no serious issue. We’ve had some threats come up. We’ve been able to knock it down because of our relationship with FBI plus ICE,” Mullin said. “We’ve got great reports back from our fan base.”

Asked by a reporter in late June whether ICE was given specific guidance to exercise restraint, Mullin said the fears were unfounded and “there was never guidance that needed to be given.”

“That was the left drumming up fear, and that’s all it was. ICE has always been there to protect the public, and that is what they continue to do every single day,” Mullin said. “The plan was always to keep the games safe and every stadium secure, even in sanctuary cities, and what we’ve proven through this is DHS is capable to work with sanctuary cities if they are willing to work with us, and when we do it together, we can keep everybody safe.”

There have still been immigration-related issues tied to the World Cup. In June, Custom and Border Protection barred a Somali-born referee who was trying to enter the United States, citing unspecified “vetting concerns.” The Trump administration was very strict about how long Iran’s national soccer team could stay in the United States for matches, often forcing the team to return to its base camp in Mexico shortly after playing.

But those issues are not the result of ICE actions, and those incidents have taken place out of major public view, reducing the impact they’ve had on the perception of the games.

Still, some Trump critics on the Hill say those actions could hinder the broader ability of the U.S. to use the World Cup as a forum to showcase the best America has to offer to global audiences.

Rep. Sydney Kamlager-Dove, a California Democrat who has promoted U.S. “sports diplomacy” efforts, said that while she was “grateful that ICE has not been terrorizing fans,” she warned that some of those other moves are creating the appearance of a double standard, given that FIFA has declined to criticize those moves from the Trump administration.

“You’ve had the referees not allowed. You had teams, players, who have been held up for hours and hours for searches. And the treatment of the Iranian team,” she said. “When you’re talking about sports diplomacy and you’re talking about a worldwide competitive event that really is about unifying the world through this sport and then you have multiple instances where players — the true ambassadors behind this sports diplomacy — are being mistreated, I call foul.”

Sophia Cai contributed to this report.

When Argentina defeated Egypt with a last-minute miracle — making it the western hemisphere’s lone survivor into the quarterfinals — the country’s libertarian president Javier Milei said he was "crazy with joy.”

As his Argentina faces off today against Switzerland, Milei — arguably U.S. President Donald Trump's most Trumpian ally in the Western hemisphere, if not worldwide — could use some good news.

“Milei worked miracles bringing down inflation and corralling public spending. But that came at a significant social cost, and he has been far less successful in attracting investment and creating jobs,” said Benjamin Gedan, a former U.S. State and Treasury Department official who now heads the Stimson Center’s Latin America program in Washington. “The president is ubiquitous, endlessly picking fights and exhausting even many onetime supporters.”

Both in his brash style and brash politics, the chainsaw-brandishing Milei is Trump’s kindred spirit. Before there was DOGE, Milei slashed tens of thousands of public sector jobs to combat what he claimed was administrative bloat.

On other issues, he has followed Washington's lead. After the United States withdrew from the World Health Organization, Argentina followed suit. Milei has also threatened to leave the Paris Agreement, shunned BRICS and sidelined Mercosur in favor of deeper alignment with the U.S.

In return, Trump last October rewarded Milei, whom he dubbed “my favorite president,” with a crucial $20 billion economic lifeline. An internal Pentagon email cited by Reuters suggested the U.S. also considered supporting Argentina’s claim on the Falkland Islands in revenge for Britain’s stance in the U.S. war against Iran.

But none of it has been enough to save Milei from his political troubles at home. His administration has been hit by several corruption scandals, including his own suspected links to a failed digital coin and the forced resignation of his cabinet chief earlier this month over allegations of misappropriating public funds. Combined with rising inflation, it has made Milei an unpopular figure at home ahead of an election next year.

A survey by Opina Argentina this week found that 58 percent of respondents hold a negative view of the president, placing him behind his main political rivals.

Notably, Milei has not attended any of his country’s matches, despite having previously traveled to the U.S. 17 times since his election in 2023. He might be trying to steer clear of the Argentina football federation (AFA) and its president, Claudio Fabián “Chiqui” Tapia, who, according to Argentine newspaper La Nación, is being investigated by the FBI for possible money laundering.

Milei also skipped Trump’s big July 4 bash in Washington, opting instead for a more low-key celebration at the U.S. embassy in Buenos Aires, causing some Argentinian commentators to speculate about a possible chill in bilateral relations.

On Thursday, however, Secretary of State Marco Rubio put those rumors to rest, congratulating Argentina on its 210th Independence Day in a statement that praised Milei as “an indispensable partner” in the two countries’ joint fight against “narcoterrorism, transnational crime, and authoritarian regimes.”

The two countries have another thing in common: Messi, the 39-year-old Argentine playmaker who is one of the World Cup’s top scorers and also plays for Inter Miami. Both Trump and Milei have sought, in their own ways, to bask in his glow.

"You could have gone anywhere in the world, any team in the world, and you chose Miami," Trump told Messi during a White House visit in March. The meeting prompted criticism from some in Argentina who accused the soccer legend of lending legitimacy to Trump’s politics by appearing alongside him.

Milei, in turn, seized on that criticism to attack the media and his political opponents and align himself with the football star, declaring: "If you mess with Messi, you mess with us all."

Messi, meanwhile, has steered clear of politics. A far less polarizing figure than either president, an Argentine survey conducted before the World Cup put his approval rating over 90 percent. When Messi led Argentina to a World Cup trophy four years ago, however, it did not do much to boost the country’s governing class. President Alberto Fernández saw his Peronist coalition suffer a historic defeat in the following year’s election. He was later charged with domestic abuse, and his former vice president is now serving house arrest after a corruption conviction.

“Which is all to say,” observed Gedan, “Messi is a national hero, but Argentine politicians don't get to share the glory.”

Reports of an aggressive FBI investigation underway in Florida into alleged corruption involving Argentina’s national soccer body are prompting confusion about the Trump administration’s stance toward using U.S. courts and law enforcement to pursue corruption extending beyond U.S. borders.

Argentina’s La Nacion newspaper reported Wednesday that U.S. prosecutors questioned a key businessperson by Zoom earlier this month as Argentina continued its strong run in the World Cup, powered by indomitable veteran Lionel Messi. The Miami Herald also confirmed aspects of the probe, which reportedly focuses on TourProdEnter LLC, a Florida-based company that handled promotional deals for the Argentine Football Association.

The association and people linked to TourProdEnter have denied wrongdoing. No charges have been filed. The Argentine Football Association did not respond for a request to comment.

The moves by the FBI, along with the reported involvement of at least three Justice Department prosecutors, are notable because after President Donald Trump returned to office last year, he paused for several months all enforcement of a U.S. law that makes it a crime to bribe foreign officials overseas, the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

Trump previously called it a “horrible law.” Incoming Justice Department officials said previous administrations had used the statute to bring criminal cases over alleged corruption that had little connection to the U.S.

Among the cases to face such criticism are a series of prosecutions that began more than a decade ago under former President Barack Obama’s administration into corruption in international soccer. A dozen people were ultimately convicted in the probe, which was led by federal prosecutors in Brooklyn, New York, and toppled FIFA’s leadership.

Appeals in some of the cases have dragged out. In May, the U.S. Attorney in Brooklyn, Joseph Nocella, appeared personally in court to explain to a judge why the Justice Department wanted to drop the case against a former Fox television executive whose conviction for paying bribes for soccer broadcast rights was initially thrown out but later reinstated by an appeals court.

Nocella said the administration had higher priorities, such as counterterrorism, national security, drug and human trafficking and violent gangs, the Associated Press reported.

It’s unclear whether the ongoing U.S. probe into Argentina’s soccer operations is proceeding because a significant part of the activities under investigation took place in the U.S. or some other wrongdoing has been uncovered that makes the case more attractive under current Justice Department policy.

The FBI declined to comment on the case.

This lawmaking leader of Cape Verdean descent intervened with the State Department when the mother of Cabo Verde's dazzling goalkeeper Vozinha was initially unable to secure a U.S. visa to watch him play.

That’s House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries with FIFA President Gianni Infantino at the June 21 match in Miami between Uruguay and Cabo Verde.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer is already considering adding an extra bank holiday to the calendar if England wins a World Cup final. But shutting the country down for a day to celebrate a national high might not be the political winner he thinks it is.

While rank-and-file citizens may thrill at getting a break to celebrate, sober up or sleep in, key political interests — from business groups that fear a disruption to commercial activity to social services that have to trudge on regardless — can balk at an instant holiday.

Countries have a long history of celebrating major on-field victories with off days. Uruguay marked victory in football's inaugural World Cup with a public holiday in 1930, and Panama gave workers the day off for qualifying to its first-ever World Cup in October 2017. Just beating Argentina in a group-stage game seems a particular reason to celebrate: Cameroon did so on a national holiday over 1990, and Saudi Arabia ordered a nationwide day off for public servants, private sector workers and students alike in 2022.

This year two countries have already redrawn their national calendar after World Cup wins. Ecuadorian President Daniel Noboa declared a public holiday for June 26 after his side upset Germany to reach the knockout rounds, thanking players and coaches who had endured "criticism, insults and tough times" before bringing "immense joy" to the country. His post ended with two words: "Tomorrow, holiday!"

Days later, Paraguayan President Santiago Peña did the same after his country's stunning penalty shootout victory on June 29 over Germany propelled the South American underdogs into the World Cup round of 16. Posting a picture of himself signing the decree, Peña acclaimed the expression of Paraguay's "grit, faith and strength." The accompanying decree argued the triumph had gone far beyond sport and that "the government cannot remain indifferent to this tremendous achievement," making it necessary to allow Paraguayans to celebrate together.

Peña’s government had laid some necessary groundwork for the move. A law adopted in 2025 allows the president to declare up to three temporary public holidays each year by decree for special occasions, including sporting achievements. The measure had been drafted with the World Cup in mind, and was first used after Paraguay qualified for the tournament last September.

But some in Paraguay were not cheering at Peña’s declaration. Even as Paraguay celebrated one of the biggest victories in its football history, business groups — particularly representing micro, small and medium-sized enterprises — complained that the holiday had been announced with virtually no notice, disrupting commercial activity and work schedules. Peña later admitted the decision had been spontaneous.

"I'm very honest. I didn't think about that before the game," the president said, acknowledging criticism from the business community. "It was a spontaneous decision."

Asked this week by reporters on Wednesday whether England winning its first World Cup in 60 years would merit a day off, Starmer replied: "I think I don't want to jinx it, but ask me again if we get to the final." The remark fueled speculation that Friday, July 24, could become a one-off holiday if England goes all the way. The decision, however, would likely fall to Starmer’s expected successor, Andy Burnham.

Not everyone is convinced. A Good Morning Britain poll on X found 60.4 percent supported a World Cup bank holiday. Among the minority opposed replies was a user identifying herself as a supermarket worker, who pointed out that essential workers including National Health Service employees would still be on shift while many others enjoyed a long weekend. "Don't think it's very fair," she wrote.

Successive British governments have also generally resisted calls for additional bank holidays, repeatedly pointing to the economic cost. A 2022 Department for Culture, Media and Sport impact assessment estimated that an additional bank holiday would reduce U.K. gross domestic product by around£2.4 billion — a figure ministers continue to cite when responding to calls for extra holidays, including if England were to win this year's World Cup.

If the Three Lions make history over the next week, Downing Street may discover that deciding whether the country deserves a day off proves almost as politically contentious as winning football's biggest prize itself.

For all theFIFA promotion of the World Cup’s arrival in Miami — think downtown skylines, Latin music and speedboats on Biscayne Bay — today’s quarterfinal match between Norway and England this afternoon will not, in fact, take place along the azure waters of Miami proper.

Instead, star strikers Erling Haaland and Harry Kane will duel this evening in an inland, now-suburban stadium that was once a sandy tract of land where locals would take weekend dirtbike joyrides and come to dump their trash.

The city of Miami Gardens, a predominantly Black community of 114,000 about 15 miles northeast of downtown Miami, is the true host of Florida’s World Cup experience. Since the tournament began, the city has hosted five matches at what has temporarily been rebranded Miami Stadium, with a third-place match next Saturday still to come.

As with many sporting venues in the United States, Miami Stadium was never built to be accessible to a central, walkable, downtown urban core. Instead, the site was chosen by Miami Dolphins owner Joe Robbie in 1984 as a low-income, rural and then-unincorporated alternative to the city of Miami, which wanted to raise rent on the NFL team's stadium. Instead, Robbie signed a 99-year lease with Dade County for the stadium site, paying $1 a year.

At the time, the local populace was little enthused about the prospect of welcoming a $100 million pro sports stadium in its backyard. Despite a civil rights lawsuit from local homeowners, many of whom were Black, by 1987 the stadium opened to the public.

Nearly 40 years later, that stadium is now a major economic engine for Miami Gardens, which incorporated in 2003. The city, never a glamour destination in the region, is now host to one of the world’s largest sporting events. The Oxford Economics Company’s Tourism Economics Event Impact Calculator predicted that the World Cup would generate about $650 million in economic activity, spread across South Florida, a number that may have been optimistic.

But local leaders are hoping there are intangible benefits for a city too easily confused with its much bigger neighbor.

“It will give us an opportunity to sell our story and the city of Miami Gardens,” Mayor Rodney Harris said in a promotional video for the World Cup. “We want them to come back and visit us after FIFA is all gone … open up a business here in Miami Gardens.”

Few countries punch above their weight in sport quite like Norway.

With a population of approximately 5.6 million, it consistently produces world-class talent across soccer, athletics, winter sports, cycling, golf and tennis — a success many attribute to a distinctive model that prioritizes participation over early specialization, receives sustained public investment and benefits from a political consensus that sport should be accessible to every child.

Lubna Jaffery, Norway's minister of culture and equality (whose portfolio includes sports) and a social-democratic politician from the governing coalition's Labour Party, argues that approach is no accident, even in one of Europe’s wealthiest countries.

Speaking to POLITICO from Miami’s South Beach, where she had just joined thousands of Norwegian supporters in the now-famous “Viking Row,” Jaffery expanded on Norway's emphasis on inclusiveness and play, discussed Russia's potential reintegration to global sports — and revealed how she thinks tonight’s World Cup quarterfinal against England will play out.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Norway keeps producing world-class athletes across football, athletics, winter sports, cycling, golf, tennis. What is the secret to this — and is it the result of deliberate public policy?

Well, I think it's the notion in Norway that when you're young, everyone is allowed to do sports. And several sports as well. It's not like you just do football if you're doing football, or if you do gymnastics, you're just doing gymnastics. A lot of the children, they're doing several activities at the same time from quite a young age. And the competitive part of it isn't very present at a young age — so they're doing it mostly for fun.

I think for our government — and also for several governments before our coalition — it's been very important that all children who want to do sports are allowed to do sports, that the pricing is reasonable and so, if you're a part of a family that isn't very well off, you're also allowed to have children doing sports and also a culture of giving people the chance even though they don't have a lot of money.

I think the playfulness in the Norwegian sporting system — that we don't compete from a young age — is a crucial part of why we do have so many athletes doing well. Of course, it's also due to the very, very hard work they put into it.

Many other countries pursue sporting success by specializing children earlier, spending money and placing winning as the most important thing. As international competition becomes more intense, do you think Norway can continue this development without compromising its values? 

I think it's part of who we are as Norwegians. We want to have a playful approach to sports from quite a young age. Of course, we also have to compete and teach children how it is to be in a competition — because if you want to do this professionally, it's something you have to learn how to do and all the feelings around being a part of the competition.

I think the philosophy is very clear. OK, you're taking part in something that is good for you, where you make friends, which gives you the ability to learn different skills that double as life skills when you grow up. If we want to compete at the level we're doing right now internationally, it is important to take care of the model we have in Norway where inclusiveness and playfulness is a very important part.

Norway was a strong supporter of sanctions against Russia after the full-scale invasion of Ukraine. The direction of travel at the moment at the IOC and FIFA seems to be toward bringing the Russians back into competition. What do you think about that? Do you think it's right or wrong?

We have a very long-standing tradition in Norwegian politics — including the Norwegian minister for sports — to support the Norwegian Football Federation and also the Norwegian Olympic Committee and their viewpoints.

So we are backing them, and the Norwegian standpoint is that they don't want to allow Russian athletes to come back — but you have the different organizations that make the decisions, like the IOC and FIFA that, of course, Norwegian politicians aren't a part of.

We can't overrule what the sporting federation is doing, but we are supporting the national sporting federations in Norway and their viewpoints against Russia.

OK, last one. Give me a score prediction for Norway against England tonight.

Well, I think England should win this match, actually, if you look at their track record. Of course, I'm hoping for Norway, though. So I won't give you a prediction. I think it's going to be a hard match. I'm very nervous, but I have a good feeling.

What does it mean to be patriotic? It depends on a country's politics.

Pride in one’s country is itself relatively common, according to new results from an international edition of The POLITICO Poll: Majorities of adults across the United States, United Kingdom, Spain, Canada, France and Germany all say they are proud of their country.

But that pride looks different in each country. Expressions of patriotism are shaped by a nation’s history and politics. And in a complex political moment when voters’ relationship with each other, their political parties and their countries continues to shift — and nationalist populist movements continue to rise, claiming patriotism as their own — what it means to be patriotic is evolving.

In America, the flag has become a defining feature of national pride, a symbol increasingly claimed by Donald Trump's MAGA movement. In Canada, people find pride in their political leaders as they seek to counter Washington's influence. And in Germany, the country's Nazi history continues to loom over current debates about nationalism.

The survey, conducted by the independent London-based firm Public First, underscores how cultural and political debates shape subtle differences in patriotism across six major democracies of the West.

Tensions over immigration and culture have roiled Europe and the U.S., with right-wing parties often making national identity central to their political message. The symbols and rituals of patriotism also distinguish countries from one another — from debates over what students are taught in schools and whether they should be required to sing the national anthem, to differences in displays of the flag.

Here's what stands out for each country.

Pluralities of adults in other countries — and 49 percent of Americans — say the U.S. has the most patriotic citizens. That’s partly because of its overt displays of patriotism, with Americans historically placing national flags on their lawns and outside restaurants and businesses, and leaders frequently wearing flag paraphernalia.

That embrace of the flag stands out. The U.S. flag has long been a revered symbol in the country, and most Americans (51 percent) say they own the national flag. That’s significantly more than adults in the other countries — for instance, just 22 percent of U.K. adults say they own a Union Jack and just 27 percent in France say they own a flag.

Still, the American flag has become somewhat partisan.

Trump and his MAGA movement have made patriotism and nationalism central to Republican politics, and more than 70 percent of his 2024 voters say they own an American flag. Just 44 percent of those who backed former Vice President Kamala Harris say the same. Trump voters are also more likely (52 percent) than Harris voters (33 percent) to say that displaying a national flag outside your house is considered an act of patriotism.

Near-majorities of adults in the U.S., the U.K., France, Spain and Canada say their country should be proud of its history. Germany is the outlier, due to its Nazi past.

Just 24 percent of Germans say the country should be proud of its history. A majority — 53 percent — say the country should neither be proud nor ashamed. Still, only 14 percent say Germany should be ashamed, and a 61 percent majority say they feel the country has “done enough to apologize for the bad things it did in the past” — potentially helping explain why most Germans say they feel neutral of the country’s history.

Politicians from the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) party have argued that the country should reclaim a sense of national pride, including by reshaping childhood education so it involves “less Hitler,” as one version of a manifesto published by a regional branch of the party put it. Forty-one percent of voters who plan to back AfD in future elections say Germany should be proud of its history — more than double the number of total adults who say the same.

While such ideas were once considered politically fringe in Germany, they have increasingly moved into the mainstream. The AfD is in first place in national polls, in front of German Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s conservatives, and it’s even further ahead in two eastern states in which regional elections are set for September.

Amid a growing anti-incumbency backlash across the West, Canada stands out.

When asked what makes them most ashamed of their country, just 22 percent of Canadians pointed to their leaders — significantly lower than the 40 percent of Americans, 45 percent of Brits, 52 percent of the French, 43 percent of Germans and 50 percent of Spaniards.

There’s a reason for their more positive outlook on the government. Aided by Trump’s trade war and what have become routine threats to turn Canada into the “51st state,” Mark Carney, a rookie politician, managed to revive Canada’s Liberal Party and win office in April 2025 with promises to stand up to Washington while transforming the oil-rich country into an energy superpower. Carney is even popular in Western Canada — traditionally Conservative territory — thanks to pipeline promises and his rollback of Justin Trudeau-era climate policy. A recent Leger poll showed he’s more popular than any other politician in Quebec.

While the majority of adults across the European countries surveyed expressed national pride, Spaniards are on a different level. A 52 percent majority pick Spain as the best place to live, while most adults in the U.K. and France pick other countries over their own.

That showed up when we asked about pride in nationality, too: A strong 76 percent majority of adults say they are proud to be Spanish, compared with the 68 percent who are proud to be British, 71 percent who are proud to be French and 60 percent who are proud to be German.

In Spain, national pride goes beyond its politics — which has been and is still somewhat tumultuous. Spaniards are reckoning with the echoes of Francisco Franco’s decades-long dictatorship, competing pro-independence movements in regions like Catalonia and the Basque Country, and an ongoing deep dissatisfaction with the way their country is being run.

And still, they exhibit a more optimistic sense of national pride than their European counterparts, partly because of the country’s status on the world stage, through its athletic success as well as its reputation as a tourism and culture hub.

France’s national anthem, the Marseillaise, is a revered national symbol that dates back to the French Revolution.

Most adults in France, 57 percent, say children should be made to sing the national anthem in school, a view that cuts across partisan lines but is most popular among the far-right National Rally (74 percent) and the centrist Ensemble party (67 percent). Meanwhile, just 42 percent of U.K. adults, 32 percent of German adults and 26 percent in Spain say the same.

More broadly, just like the kneeling protests in the NFL provoked outrage among American conservatives, jeering and booing as a form of protest during the French national anthem at sporting events usually stokes controversy — though in France, the furor is often from across the political spectrum.

Ten years after Brexit initiated, an effort to take back control of the U.K., The POLITICO Poll suggests British attitudes toward patriotism remain somewhat pessimistic — and broadly aligned with those elsewhere in Europe.

A 46 percent plurality of adults in the U.K. say “you can’t say you’re proud to be British anymore without being judged,” about on par with the share who say the same in other European countries. Though similar shares of U.K., French and Spanish adults say their countries should be proud of their histories, similar shares of them — and German adults — also say they’re ashamed of their leaders now.

The findings suggest that while Brexit reshaped Britain’s relationship with the European Union, whether it fundamentally changed the country’s sense of national identity is more complex. Other studies have revealed a multi-year decline in U.K. adults taking pride in the country’s achievements.

POLITICO’s Tim Ross, Sue Allan, Joshua Berlinger, James Agelos and Aitor Hernández-Morales contributed to this report. 

Norway stands out among the historic European powers that dominate what remains of the World Cup. It has the skimpiest soccer heritage of the bunch — with a 28-year break since its last visit to the tournament — and the strongest political agenda: a continued fight to boot Israel from international soccer.

Norway’s trip to this World Cup ran through Israel, which has competed for one of Europe’s tournament slots since 1994, when boycotts from Arab and Muslim countries made it impossible for the Middle Eastern country to continue competing in the Asian Football Confederation.

When the two countries faced off in Oslo last October in a qualifying match, the Norwegian Football Federation announced that all proceeds would be donated to relief aid in Gaza. Palestinian flags, keffiyehs paired with viking hats and a massive "Let Children Live" banner swept the stands. Fans booed the playing of Israel’s national anthem.

But the Norwegian federation’s primary instrument is not advocacy from its team or fan base, but institutional pressure through federation standing and procedural respectability — an instinct reflecting the nation’s overall style and befitting its disproportionately large role at the United Nations.

Norway has been in the middle of Middle Eastern politics for a while. In 1978, the Camp David Accords set Israel on course to surrender the Sinai Peninsula and its oil fields, just before the Iranian Revolution upended regional energy politics. The United States pressed Norway to supply oil to Israel, which it did only after clearing the idea with Palestine Liberation Organization Chair Yasser Arafat, who saw the value of a Scandinavian back channel to Israeli leaders.

Norway’s tact turned itself into a distinctive intermediary: a small, energy-rich state with few Middle East ambitions of its own, clout in Washington, trust among Israelis and rapport with Palestinians. In the 1990s, the country hosted the negotiations that generated the Oslo Accords, the most significant diplomatic breakthrough toward a lasting peace. As talks failed and Israel’s occupation of Gaza and the West Bank deepened over the early 2000s, Norway pulled back from Israel.

Now Norway has brought that perspective to soccer’s governing bodies, arguing that Russia’s exclusion from the sport after its invasion of Ukraine presents a double standard that should be applied equally to Israel. The latest push for Israel’s suspension from FIFA began in 2024 by the Palestinian Football Association. It is backed by Arab and Asian football bodies, which cite atrocities in Gaza, discrimination against Arab athletes and Israel’s inclusion of football clubs that operate in illegal West Bank settlements.

Norwegian support advances the cause into the soccer’s mainstream, lending a weight and legitimacy absent among other European countries whose federations have taken a hard line against Israeli involvement. Türkiye’s position can be dismissed as predictably partisan on religious grounds, while Ireland — which has formally introduced a resolution to expel Israel and has considered boycotting matches against the country — is absent from this World Cup.

The driver of Norway’s political agenda is former national team star Lise Klaveness, a lawyer who serves on the executive committee of European confederation UEFA. She has been a voice for Nordic progressive politics within international soccer: In early 2022, Klaveness spoke to FIFA Congress about human rights, LGBTQ+ safety and transparency concerns in Qatar.

Players have been more circumspect than their leadership, but far from silent. Captain Martin Ødegaard said in early 2025 that the situation in Gaza — which that fall was subject to a peace deal negotiated in part by the United States — was “a background you can’t ignore” when playing Israel. The team’s leading goal-scorer, striker Erling Haaland, has engaged more obliquely with the subject but has not ignored it: A 2023 social media post mourned innocent children dying as attacks escalated on Gaza, and clips circulated of a 2025 video call Haaland held with a freed Israeli hostage.

When the men's World Cup winds down next week, FIFA isn't packing it all up and heading back to Zurich.

Instead, the global soccer governing body will keep open the Miami office that it has used as an American political headquarters as it looks to expand its presence in the western hemisphere.

The strategy marks a significant shift in how FIFA has approached major tournaments. Rather than relying on a local organizing structure that dissolves after the final whistle, officials say the organization intends to retain the institutional knowledge assembled in South Florida and deploy it for the next wave of competitions.

"The whole idea was to bring 50 people from Zurich, who have the necessary experience and breadth, who've done other World Cups and they became the nucleus of Miami and they hired people," a senior FIFA adviser, granted anonymity to describe internal strategy, said earlier this year. “That's a model that we intend to use for future World Cups.”

FIFA first opened its Miami office in 2023, but the operation has since ballooned into 700-plus full-time staff. During the tournament, it has functioned as the organization's nerve center and base for senior officials, including FIFA Secretary General Heimo Schirgi.

The Miami team will soon pivot toward FIFA's next slate of marquee events. Brazil will host the women's World Cup next year, and FIFA will help to manage the soccer portion of the LA28 Olympics, which will include qualifying matches across the United States. And while Spain, Portugal and Morocco will serve as the primary hosts of the 2030 men's World Cup, Uruguay, Argentina and Paraguay will each stage one opening match to commemorate the tournament's centennial.

Just a year later, the United States is expected to host the 2031 women's World Cup, giving FIFA another major event on American soil.

The organization hopes the staff, relationships and expertise developed during the largest World Cup in history can become a lasting asset as North America increasingly becomes one of the sport's most important markets.

Progressive Democratic candidates have one thing to say to their establishment amid a wave of primary victories poised to dramatically alter the ideological makeup of their party: Enough with the old posts.

Attacks that dredge up calls to defund the police, full-throated embraces of identity politics and more, born from the leftward lurch Democrats took during President Donald Trump’s first term, won’t be what voters are thinking about come November, they say.

Rather, candidates say a populist economic message that addresses affordability concerns will buoy them to victory.

“You can talk about my tweets if you want to, but you can’t afford your health care, you can’t afford your groceries, you can’t afford your housing,” Michigan Senate hopeful Abdul El-Sayed said in an interview. “And it’s because of Donald Trump’s absurd policies."

The defensive tactic popular among progressive candidates represents a new path being forged by Democrats still haunted by a disastrous presidential election, which some blame on the party’s unwillingness to distance itself from progressive positions on trans rights, policing and other issues that alienated moderate voters.

They’ve largely leaned into their outspokenness, past and present, in the hopes that voters will appreciate their authenticity. But their moderate opponents are less convinced, fearing potential losses if primary voters give Republicans a candidate with obvious weaknesses.

The border between which past comments must be acknowledged — or fully apologized for — and which can be cleanly pivoted away from remains fuzzy. Broadly, however, progressive candidates are dismissing attacks on their past.

“I’ve been to 400-plus public events, and nobody’s ever asked me about my tweets,” El-Sayed said.

However, Roxie Richner, spokesperson for the campaign, said El-Sayed deleted all posts older than July of 2023 “to prevent any old posts from being taken out of context” and that the deletion did not target any specific topic.

Which former comments must be atoned for differs by primary. Texas Democratic Senate nominee James Talarico, for one, has walked back some of his most outspoken comments calling God nonbinary and lamenting the privilege his whiteness affords him, admitting in interviews that those comments were “cringey.”

But in a Democratic stronghold in New York City, Darializa Avila Chevalier was able to pivot around attacks on her calls to abolish prisons on the way to ousting longtime Rep. Adriano Espaillat (D-N.Y.).

She did, however, express regret for some old posts, including ones in which she wrote “fuck Kamala Harris” and called Joe Biden a “rapist.”

Bill Neidhardt, a Democratic strategist at the progressive consulting firm Middle Seat, said that while it’s not like “there’s never room to apologize,” a candidate refusing to entertain attacks on their progressive past can work remarkably well among voters itching for an outsider candidate.

“Whenever I see an incumbent focusing on tweets and not about the economy, I feel like my campaign is in the place where I want it to be,” said Neidhardt, whose firm has worked for progressives including Avila Chevalier, El-Sayed and Melat Kiros — a democratic socialist who recently toppled 15-term incumbent Rep. Diana DeGette in Colorado.

El-Sayed, for one, has repeatedly emphasized that he isn’t interested in litigating the past — which opponents have sought to do over his since-deleted 2020 posts lamenting that police departments are overfunded relative to other social services and referring to them as “standing armies.”

He told POLITICO that “the idea that you stand by everything you ever said, out of context, is an insane thing to assume about anybody.”

But El-Sayed's shifting recollection of the past has put him in bind. After telling the Detroit News that he “actually never, never called for defunding,” CNN reported that he said “we do need to defund the police” in a June 2020 interview with Detroit Public Radio. In that interview, the former health official said that he considered defunding to mean reducing funding for prisons and police while investing more in “the means of educating and empowering, engaging communities with the means of being able to take on systemic poverty.”

El-Sayed has characterized such reporting as superfluous to the actual issues present in the campaign.

In an interview with CNN, El-Sayed was skeptical of the newsworthiness of the coverage: “I think this debate about 2020 and the ways that tweets are going to play are really nice on CNN if you want to get clicks.” And after CNN reported that he did in fact say “defund the police,” a campaign spokesperson told the outlet that El-Sayed’s “perspective has become more nuanced” since 2020.

When opponents and media dig up past comments, Neidhardt says he tells his candidates to keep their eyes on the ball, “and the ball is pocketbook politics, it’s not whoever is looking most proper for the Washington set.”

“They care about whether someone's gonna fight for them,” Neidhardt said of voters.

That’s a philosophy mirrored in another progressive upstart in Wisconsin: gubernatorial candidate Francesca Hong — a democratic socialist state representative that has faced similar critiques over a slew of social media posts calling to abolish the police. She is leading in most recent primary polls.

Alison Geyer, a spokesperson for Hong’s campaign, characterized the attention her posts have received as distractions from her otherwise popular slate of policies while acknowledging the blowback certain slogans can inspire without additional context.

Geyer said Hong “does not regret speaking out” amid a nationwide reckoning over police violence and racial injustice but acknowledged how slogans are “imperfect tools” that can’t always capture the full nuance of policy positions.

Still, problematic social media posts have bogged down some candidates — particularly when they go beyond far-left policy proposals to more personal controversies. Since-deleted posts authored by Maine Democrat Graham Platner, in which he said victims of sexual assault should “take some responsibility” and that many white rural Americans “actually are” racist and unintelligent, provide a picture of which past comments can severely hurt a political campaign.

Repeated scandals about Platner’s posts, in addition to the Nazi-aligned Totenkopf emblem tattooed to his chest — which he denied knowing the symbolism of — and reports of concerning behavior with former partners, now appear to some Democrats as a warning sign the party should have heeded before Maine’s June primary. Platner ended his campaign this week following POLITICO’s reporting that an ex-girlfriend said he sexually assaulted her.

Platner has called that allegation false.

Still, progressives’ primary opponents — let alone the Republicans they hope to face in November — believe their outwardly nonchalant attitudes toward their past posts will haunt them. Spokespeople for three of Hong’s opponents in Wisconsin panned her posts, with opponent Joel Brennan saying “I don't think there are three words that have done more damage to Democrats in the last decade than ‘defund the police.’”

“If we spend this fall defending those words, I'm afraid we lose,” continued the statement from Brennan, who trails Hong and other frontrunners in the polls.

Michigan Republicans, meanwhile, are salivating at the opportunity to run against El-Sayed. Presumptive Republican Senate nominee and former Rep. Mike Rogers said in a statement that “hide and deflect all he wants, Michiganders see Abdul and the Democrats for how out-of-touch they really are.”

And Arik Wolk, spokesperson for primary opponent Rep. Haley Stevens (D-Mich.), said that Republicans know El-Sayed “has real liabilities as a candidate” and accused Republicans of “spending money to ‘boost’ his campaign.”

El-Sayed has gotten a taste of what Republican opposition may look like if he wins the primary. In late June, the National Republican Senatorial Committee unveiled a new attack ad calling El-Sayed “too radical for Michigan.” El-Sayed has coyly responded to such charges that, in his telling, explain exactly why people should vote for him.

But taking that line of defense when it comes to attacks surrounding a candidate's supposed extremeness can potentially backfire, said Kate deGruyter, the spokesperson for the center-left Third Way.

“Republicans are going to try to weaponize any evidence they have to paint a Democrat as a radical, and it sure helps them out when our candidates are confidently saying those things out loud on camera,” deGruyter said.

President Donald Trump’s call to FIFA President Gianni Infantino urging him to review U.S. striker Folarin Balogun’s red card has thrust the politics of global sport back in the spotlight — and it’s raising questions about how the Olympic movement plans to navigate a White House that has an interventionist approach toward the world’s biggest sporting events.

Trump’s involvement — along with that of other senior administration officials — with the global governing body for soccer highlighted just how deeply FIFA has cultivated its relationship with the White House.

But with Los Angeles set to host the 2028 Summer Olympics, Olympic officials have charted a markedly different course. So far, newly elected IOC President Kirsty Coventry has yet to appear publicly alongside Trump.

While FIFA has been the primary organizer of the 2026 World Cup, the International Olympic Committee will rely on LA28 — the independent local organizing committee — to execute the games.

That structure has allowed the IOC to keep more distance from Washington. Asked in January whether she could learn from Infantino’s approach to courting Trump, Coventry suggested the Olympic movement would take a more measured path.

“If we weren’t seeing good relations six months before the World Cup I would get worried,” she said. “As we get closer to the Olympics you will see the relations continue … and only get stronger.”

For now, the personal relationship with Trump has largely been managed through Casey Wasserman, the chair of LA28, who has emerged as the Olympic movement’s chief interlocutor with the White House.

Wasserman appeared alongside Trump in the Oval Office last year when the president signed an executive order establishing a White House task force focused on the 2028 Games. But it’s a sharp contrast with Infantino’s regular presence at the president’s side, his proclivity for praising the president in public and catering to his ego. After supporting the effort to have the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Trump, Infantino created FIFA’s first-ever Peace Prize and awarded it to the president.

“My understanding of the Casey way is keep your head down, do the work, have your leaders lead the day-to-day, and worry about the most important things to make sure the event is successful, right?” said one person who has worked closely with Wasserman. “It’s not grandstanding and placating the way Gianni has done. It’s just a different approach. Look, maybe it’s just too soon, but he’s not a peace prize-giving kind of guy.”

Behind the scenes, however, cooperation between LA28 and the administration has already begun.

According to people familiar with the discussions, organizers have been working closely with the White House Olympic Task Force on a range of logistical issues, including plans for a pro-am golf tournament at Trump’s Los Angeles-area golf course before the Games.

At the State Department’s request, LA28 has also helped develop a dedicated visa processing portal for Olympic athletes and officials. The system has already been used to facilitate the entry of a small number of LA28 support staff into the United States, according to people familiar with the effort.

As the World Cup has unfolded this month, Trump’s interest in the Olympics has hardly diminished — they are the two events taking place during his second term that he takes credit for bringing to the U.S., based on decisions that were made during his first term.

“The beautiful thing about what I did is I ran [for president again]. I never thought of it, and then all of a sudden I realized, you know, I just got the Olympics, and I totally got that myself, and I just got FIFA,” Trump said on Monday. “I got that myself.”

The head of FIFA’s anti-discrimination partner — which has dispatched human monitors to every World Cup match so far — said Thursday that the group has submitted “a number of reports regarding matches involving Mexico.”

Piara Powar, executive director of the Fare network, declined in an interview with POLITICO to say what incidents the reports allege.

But the existence of the reports could spell trouble for the Mexican Football Federation, which has faced a number of sanctions over the past decade from FIFA related to discriminatory practices at its games.

FIFA declined to comment on any specific report Friday, and an inquiry to the Mexican Football Federation’s press inbox went unanswered.

In a statement, the world soccer governing body said “potential incidents are handled by FIFA’s judicial bodies in line with the relevant regulations and match reports, and taking into account the specific circumstances at stake.”

A potential subject included in the reports: Mexican fans repeating an anti-gay chant that has loomed over the national team since it emerged during the 2014 World Cup.

Sometimes referred to as “El Grito,” the chant involves the crowd winding with a prolonged “ehhhhh” as the opposing goalkeeper sets up for a goal kick, followed by a thunderous “puto” as the ball launches upward.

The latter word, which roughly translates to “male prostitute” in Spanish, is listed as a homophobic slur within the global guide to discriminatory practices in soccer authored by the Fare network, an umbrella organization set up to counter discrimination in world soccer.

The chant was audible during broadcasts of Mexico’s last-16 match against England and appeared during the federation’s final group stage tilt against Czechia. The Mexican national team played all of its World Cup matches on home soil, in Mexico City and Guadalajara.

Whether these reports will result in a material penalty is unknown. Powar said that, in most cases, sanctions are announced following the end of the World Cup and are preceded by an investigation and hearings related to the report. Previous punishments have ranged from six-figure fines to forcing the national team to play in front of an empty stadium.

The Mexican federation has unsuccessfully tried to stymie the chant’s popularity. During the 2018 World Cup, Mexican forward Javier Hernandez pleaded with Mexican fans to not invoke it after FIFA announced it was investigating its use during an earlier match.

And ahead of the 2026 tournament, the federation launched a campaignexplicitly encouraging fans to support the team by ditching the chant in favor of a stadium-wide wave — a now unanimous-practice that traces its origins to the 1986 World Cup in Mexico.

Powar said change is still possible.

“It’s not the case that, you know, this culture is fixed or that you can’t change it into a more positive direction, particularly when you’re getting fined the sort of sums the Mexican Federation have over the years,” Powar said.